双语：国新办就《一国两制下香港的民主发展》白皮书答记者问

国务院新闻办新闻局副局长、新闻发言人寿小丽:

Shou Xiaoli:

女士们、先生们，大家上午好。欢迎出席国务院新闻办吹风会。近日，国务院新闻办发布了《“一国两制”下香港的民主发展》白皮书，今天我们非常高兴邀请到三位专家，请他们为大家解读白皮书有关内容，并回答大家感兴趣的问题。他们是：清华大学法学院教授、清华大学港澳研究中心主任、全国港澳研究会副会长王振民先生；中国人民大学法学院教授、全国人大常委会香港基本法委员会委员韩大元先生；中国社会科学院法学研究所研究员、中国社会科学院台港澳研究中心研究员支振锋先生。

Ladies and gentlemen, good morning. Welcome to this press briefing being held by the State Council Information Office (SCIO). Recently, the SCIO has issued a new white paper titled "Hong Kong: Democratic Progress Under the Framework of One Country, Two Systems." Today, we are very glad to have invited three experts to introduce relevant information and answer your questions. They are Mr. Wang Zhenmin, professor in the School of Law and director of the Center for Hong Kong and Macao Studies at Tsinghua University, and deputy head of the Chinese Association of Hong Kong and Macao Studies; Mr. Han Dayuan, professor in the Law School at Renmin University of China, and member of the Hong Kong Basic Law Committee of the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress (NPC); and Mr. Zhi Zhenfeng, researcher with the Institute of Law and the Center for Taiwan, Hong Kong and Macao Studies at the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences.

下面，首先请王振民先生作介绍。

Now, I will give the floor to Mr. Wang Zhenmin.

清华大学法学院教授、清华大学港澳研究中心主任、全国港澳研究会副会长王振民:

Wang Zhenmin:

媒体的各位朋友，女士们、先生们，大家早上好。非常高兴参加今天的媒体吹风会，在香港叫做“吹水”，吹风吹水加在一起叫做“吹风水”，说明我们有非常好的风水。今年3月，全国人大及其常委会完善香港特区的选举制度，建构了新的民主选举制度，根据新的选制，今年举行了特区选举委员会的选举和第七届立法会的选举，第七届立法会选举圆满结束第二天，国务院新闻办就发表了《“一国两制”下香港的民主发展》白皮书。我们三位长期研究香港问题，特别是研究香港政制发展问题的专家们和很多学者认真研读了这本白皮书。很高兴今天有机会和大家分享我们对白皮书有关内容和相关问题的认识，并就香港民主发展问题与各位交流看法。

Friends from the media, ladies and gentlemen, good morning. I am very glad to be here at today's press briefing. The word "press briefing" is "chuifeng" in Mandarin, similar to "chuishui" in Cantonese. "Chuifeng" and "chuishui" can be combined into "chui feng shui," which implies that we have good feng shui. This March, the NPC and its standing committee improved Hong Kong's electoral system and formed a new democratic electoral system. Under the new system, the subsector general election for the Hong Kong Election Committee and the election of the seventh-term Legislative Council (LegCo) were held this year. On the day after the LegCo election, the SCIO issued a white paper titled "Hong Kong: Democratic Progress Under the Framework of One Country, Two Systems." The other two speakers and I have studied the Hong Kong question for a long time. Many experts and scholars studying the development of Hong Kong's political system have carefully read this white paper. It's my great pleasure to have the opportunity today to share with you our understanding of the white paper and relevant questions, and exchange views with you on Hong Kong's democratic progress.

中国政府此时此刻聚焦民主，再次发表关于香港问题的白皮书，这是第二本白皮书，可以说是恰逢其时、意义重大、影响深远。白皮书全景式地展示了香港180年来，也就是从1841年英军强占香港岛到今年正好是180年，特别是40多年来，香港政制发展的真实图画，摆事实、讲道理，夹叙夹议、义理兼备，白皮书把众多看似孤立的历史事件、故事有机地串联在一起，厘清了其中的历史经纬和逻辑联系，让读者暂且放下当时的时事政治，获得历史空间和高度，俯瞰、回望香港政制发展极其坎坷复杂的过程，揭开一层层厚厚的历史面纱，拨开长期被谎言谣言笼罩的云雾，使大家透过现象看本质，看到事物的真相和全貌。我相信，一定非常有利于公众了解其中的是非曲直和真实情况，对“一国两制”下香港民主发展的经验有更加客观公正、实事求是的评价。白皮书正本清源、还原真相、明辨是非，给人启迪，也给人信心。

The white paper, which focuses on Hong Kong's democratic progress, is the second to be issued by the Chinese government on the Hong Kong question. It comes at an opportune time and has great significance and far-reaching impact. The document offers a panoramic overview of the development of Hong Kong's political system over the past 180 years since British troops occupied Hong Kong Island in 1841, and particularly over the past 40 years. Full of facts and reasoning, the white paper presents both narration and comments, and combines explanation and argumentation. The document organically connects many seemingly isolated historical events and stories, and clarifies the historical and logical threads running through them, thus enabling readers to temporarily put aside current affairs at the time and review the extremely bumpy and complicated development process of Hong Kong's political system from a historical viewpoint. The white paper helps uncover the thick layers of history and dispel the long-lingering clouds of lies and rumors, so that readers can find the essence through phenomena, and grasp the truth and the whole picture of events. I believe that the document will truly help the public understand the merits of relevant matters, and make more objective, fair and fact-based judgments on Hong Kong's democratic progress under the framework of One Country, Two Systems. The white paper tackles problems at their roots, reveals the truth, and differentiates right from wrong, thus giving people inspiration and confidence.

为准备今天的会议，这几天我特意找了一些在北京的香港年轻人谈了谈，了解他们对白皮书是一个什么样的看法。也有一些香港的朋友打电话，主动来交流这个问题，可以说，他们是最有发言权的。他们告诉我，以前总觉得英国多好，英国、美国多民主，好像他们在帮香港，读了白皮书才知道，殖民统治的本质就是独裁专制，和民主没有一点联系。英国在香港那么长时间不搞民主，回归前那么短的时间就忽然快速搞民主，到底是干什么，到底为了谁的利益，司马昭之心路人皆知，骗不了人。白皮书揭了他们的老底。不搞民主的人现在反过头指责搞民主的人，说你的民主这也不行，那也不行，天下有这样的道理吗？有些国家总是拿《中英联合声明》说事儿，今天我特别带了《中英联合声明》的文本，我反复读《中英联合声明》，我发现这里头没有“民主”“普选”的字眼，说中国违反联合声明，联合声明里面就没有这个字眼。《中英联合声明》不是解决香港回归后实行什么样的选举制度，实行什么样的民主的文件，它就是解决香港回归中国的问题，英国把香港还给我们，就是这么简单的事儿。回归后，香港实行什么样的政治体制、实行什么样的选举制度，那是中国的内政，没有一个国家会和别的国家来讨论实行什么样的政治制度、实行什么样的选举制度。我也看了回归前英国为香港制定的《英皇制诰》《皇室训令》，这里面也没有民主，和民主没有任何关系，我们可以看看里面讲的当年立法局议员完全是由英国政府根据他高兴不高兴，根据他的Pleasure来任命，或者立即解除一个议员的职务，哪有什么民主。民主在哪里？香港的民主是在中国宪法和香港特别行政区基本法下规定的香港回归后的民主制度，这就是事实和真相。大家有兴趣可以把这几份和香港有关系的法律文件拿去认真研读一下。

In preparation for today's conference, I talked to some Hong Kong youth who are living in Beijing, asking them about their views on the white paper. Some of my Hong Kong friends also called me to share their ideas. It can be said that they have the best say in this regard. They said that in the past, they felt Britain was so good, as Britain and the United States were more democratic and seemed to be helping Hong Kong. After reading the white paper, they understand that the colonial rule was, in essence, dictatorship and had nothing to do with democracy. Over a long period, Britain hadn't exercised democratic rule in Hong Kong. But the British government rushed to "develop democracy" in Hong Kong in the very short remaining period of the colonial rule. What was the intention? Whose benefit was it for? The purpose was obvious to everyone and could deceive nobody. The white paper has revealed their hidden story. Those who didn't exercise democracy now in turn blame those who develop democracy, finding fault with the latter's practice. Is that logic? Certain countries have always taken the Sino-British Joint Declaration as a tool to meddle in Hong Kong affairs. I bring the text of the joint declaration with me. After repeatedly reading the text, I can't find wording such as "democracy" or "universal suffrage." China has been criticized for violating the joint declaration. But there's no mention of universal suffrage or democracy in the joint declaration. The joint declaration is not a document determining what electoral system would be implemented and what kind of democracy would be practiced in Hong Kong after its return to the motherland. It only specified that the government of the United Kingdom would restore Hong Kong to China, as simple as that. After the handover, what political system and electoral system would be implemented in Hong Kong are purely China's internal affairs. No country will discuss with other countries what kind of political system or what kind of electoral system would be implemented. I also read the Hong Kong Letters Patent and Hong Kong Royal Instructions promulgated during British rule and couldn't find anything relevant to democracy. We can find in those two documents that the LegCo members were appointed or removed by the governor with the approval of the British government and should hold their offices at the authority's pleasure. How could that be democracy? The system of democracy in Hong Kong was established after its return to the motherland in accordance with China's Constitution and the Basic Law of the HKSAR. That's the fact and truth. If you are interested, you may study the above-mentioned documents related to Hong Kong.

即便是讲人权、讲法治，回归后香港的人权法治比指责香港的那些国家不知道要好多少倍，香港的民主法治国际排名要比他们高很多很多。这种指责是完全违背事实的，读了白皮书才知道，香港的民主从哪里来，要到哪里去，走过什么样的路，被谁破坏了，又被谁救过来了，谁才是香港民主的创立者、推动者、修复者、捍卫者，谁是破坏者、搅局者，一直阻碍香港民主的进步。中国共产党、中国政府和包括750万香港同胞在内的全中国人民百分之百拥有香港民主的知识产权。白皮书还告诉人们，什么样的民主才是好民主、好制度，什么样的民主是假民主，是在害香港。实践已经证明，西方的那一套对香港真不行，“一国两制”下香港必须有自己的一套民主制度，这样的民主应该是什么样子，应该具备什么样的环境和条件，完善香港选举制度之后，香港的民主和未来怎么样，香港又会怎么样，现在看了白皮书都清楚了。

Even if in terms of human rights and the rule of law, the relevant situation is much better in Hong Kong after its return than in those countries which point the finger at it. Hong Kong ranks higher than those countries on the rankings of democracy and the rule of law. Their blames totally fly in the face of facts. The white paper reveals where Hong Kong's democracy comes from and the path it's heading for as well as its development process. It also reveals who had undermined democracy and who saved it; who has created, promoted, restored, and defended Hong Kong's democracy, while who has undermined and disrupted democracy in Hong Kong. The Communist Party of China (CPC), the Chinese government, and the Chinese people, including 7.5 million Hong Kong residents, hold 100% of intellectual property right on Hong Kong's democracy. The white paper also discloses what democratic system is good and what is fake democracy that impairs Hong Kong. What has happened proves that the Western model doesn't work in Hong Kong, and Hong Kong must have its own democratic system under the framework of One Country, Two Systems. The white paper also gives answers to what such a democracy should look like, what environment and conditions are needed to develop it, what's Hong Kong's democracy after improving its electoral system, and what is Hong Kong's future.

读了白皮书才知道，香港的民主如此开放包容，外国人都有选举权，甚至有被选举权，在全世界范围内我估计都是独一无二的。哪个国家、哪个地方会允许外国人在这个地方投票，还可以被当选，香港是独一无二的。香港的中国公民更是拥有双份权利，既有权治港，还有权参与国家治理。香港的“一国两制”对外国公司和个人如此的友好平等，是全世界最不歧视外国投资、最平等保护投资者利益的地方，国家既支持香港融入国家发展大局，也大力支持香港同各国保持交流合作，香港一定会向全世界更加开放。

Only after reading the white paper can we realize that Hong Kong's democracy is so open and inclusive. Permanent residents of the HKSAR who are not of Chinese nationality also enjoy the right to vote and the right to stand for election, which I think is unique in the world – just think which country or place allows foreigners to vote and be elected in its territory. Chinese citizens who are permanent residents of the HKSAR even have dual rights: the right to participate in the governance of both Hong Kong and the country as empowered by law. Under the One Country, Two Systems policy, Hong Kong treats foreign companies and individuals friendly and as equals. Hong Kong is the place in the world with the least discrimination against foreign investment and the highest degree of equal protection for investors' interests. China supports Hong Kong's integration into the overall national development and vigorously backs Hong Kong in exchanges and cooperation with other countries, and Hong Kong will be more open to the world.

读了白皮书才知道，中央对“一国两制”方针是如此的坚定执着，决心、信心、耐心从未动摇，对港人、香港年轻人慈母般的信任，从未动摇。曾几何时，“一国两制”严重走样变形，港人总担心中央会不会一气之下改变对港政策。现在看了白皮书清楚了，中央将继续坚定不移并全面准确贯彻执行“一国两制”基本方针政策，香港“一国两制”不仅健在，而且重回正轨，充满青春活力，各种各样的谎言谣言不攻自破。

Not until we read the white paper can we be aware of the central authorities' unwavering commitment to the One Country, Two Systems principle, with great resolve, confidence, and patience remaining unchanged. This is also true for the central authorities' motherly trust in the Hong Kong people, including the youth. There was a time when the One Country, Two Systems policy was severely disrupted and distorted, and the Hong Kong people fretted that the central authorities would be irritated to change its policy towards Hong Kong. Now, the white paper makes it clear that the central authorities will continue to implement the basic policy of One Country, Two Systems fully and faithfully. The One Country, Two Systems principle is back on track and functions well with vitality, debunking various kinds of lies and rumors.

读了白皮书才知道，谁才是亲人，谁真正爱香港、关心每一位港人的疾苦。从白皮书饱含深情的文字，从字里行间可以读出那无私的爱、那炙热的期盼。两年来，中央所做的一切事情，都是为了挽救香港、挽救青年、挽救民主、挽救“一国两制”，一切都是为了香港好，为了所有以香港为家的人的根本利益。永远记住，无论你富贵或贫穷，健康或疾病，顺利或失意，祖国与你不离不弃，永远是香港最坚强的后盾。以前对祖国有太多的误解误会，只有祖国才会真心地爱香港、护佑香港，一直真金白银、实实在在地帮香港，作出那么多努力推动香港民主发展、经济发展的事情，为了“一国两制”能够行稳致远，与反中乱港势力做了那么多严峻的斗争，还总被曲解误解、攻击抹黑，祖国多不容易！

The white paper shows us who Hong Kong's family is and who truly loves Hong Kong and cares about the suffering of every person in Hong Kong. The affectionate words in the white paper reflect the motherland's selfless love and intense expectations. In the past two years, everything the central authorities have done is to save Hong Kong and its youth, democracy, and the One Country, Two Systems principle; everything has been for the benefit of Hong Kong and served the fundamental interests of all people who regard Hong Kong as their home. Always remember, rich or poor, diseased or healthy, in good times or in bad times, the motherland will always be with Hong Kong and provide the strongest backing. There were once many misunderstandings and misinterpretations of the motherland. In fact, only the motherland sincerely loves and protects Hong Kong, and has been providing it with practical and substantial support, making copious endeavors to promote its democratic and economic development. In order to ensure the long-term implementation of the One Country, Two Systems principle, the motherland has struggled against the anti-China agitators extensively, an effort, however, that was always distorted and smeared. How hard for the motherland!

读了白皮书才知道，香港只有坚定与自己的亲人、与祖国站在一起才有光明的未来，才有美好的生活，才有真正优质的民主，西方政客假惺惺，号称要“与港人站在一起”，香港的年轻朋友告诉我，“还是算了吧”“离我远一点”，再也不会上当，再也不要傻傻地让人家“揽炒”自己的家园，还要用香港来搞乱14亿多自己家人的美好生活。

The white paper explains that only by standing firmly with its family and motherland can Hong Kong have a bright future, prosperity, and real high-quality democracy. The Western politicians hypocritically declared that they would "stand with Hong Kong people." However, young people from Hong Kong responded by saying "forget it" and "stay away from me." They will never fall for it again, nor will they be fooled again to let others actualize "mutual destruction" at their home of Hong Kong and exploit Hong Kong to mess up the happy life of over 1.4 billion Chinese people.  

总之，读了白皮书才意识到，这次立法会选举意义非凡，开启了香港全新的民主篇章，其先进性、优越性毋庸置疑，香港一定要坚定地走自己的路，建设“一国两制”下新的资本主义民主制度。

In a nutshell, only after reading the white paper will we recognize the great significance of the recent LegCo election, which has opened a brand-new chapter for Hong Kong's democracy, with its advanced nature and strengths beyond doubt. Hong Kong must resolutely follow its own path and establish a new capitalist democratic system under the One Country, Two Systems principle.  

下面，我们很愿意回答各位的提问。谢谢大家。

Now, we would like to take your questions. Thank you.

寿小丽:

Shou Xiaoli:

谢谢王振民教授的介绍。下面进入提问环节，提问前请通报一下所在的新闻机构。

Thank you, Mr. Wang, for your introduction. Now the floor is open for questions. Please identify the news outlet you work for before raising questions.

中央广播电视总台央视记者:

CCTV:

白皮书的名字是“一国两制”下香港的民主发展，请问“一国两制”和香港民主发展有什么关系？谢谢。

The white paper is titled "Hong Kong: Democratic Progress Under the Framework of One Country, Two Systems." What's the relation between the One Country, Two Systems policy and Hong Kong's democratic development? Thank you.

中国人民大学法学院教授、全国人大常委会香港基本法委员会委员韩大元:

Han Dayuan:

刚才提到白皮书的名称，我希望大家高度关注一下，一个白皮书它的核心理念，有时候就体现在白皮书的名称上。这次的白皮书名称就是《“一国两制”下香港的民主发展》。大家知道，中文里面用“下”就意味着“一国两制”和香港的民主发展不是并列的关系，“一国两制”是香港民主发展的前提与根本保障，香港的民主是“一国”前提下的民主。香港的政治体制具有地方政治体制的属性，所以“一国两制”下在香港进行的选举就是地方性的选举，所以白皮书名称中的“下”给我们澄清了很多根本性、前提性的问题。白皮书明确提出“一国两制”是香港民主发展的根本保障，我们如何理解这个根本保障？实际上，它明确了香港民主发展中的“一国”和“两制”的关系，实行“一国”是“两制”的前提和基础，“两制”从属和派生于“一国”，并统一在“一国”之内。国家主体实行社会主义的制度和特别行政区实行的资本主义制度并行不悖，但是两者的主次关系是不能颠倒的。白皮书提出，“中国共产党领导是中国特色社会主义最本质的特征，是宪法确定的国家宪制秩序的核心，是国家宪法制度的灵魂，在特别行政区必须得到切实尊重和维护”。在香港实行什么样的民主制度，事关中央和特别行政区的关系，关系到香港的繁荣稳定。根据宪法、基本法，中央拥有香港民主发展的主导权和决定权，只有中央主导，香港的民主才能健康稳定可持续地发展。

The title of this white paper, which was just mentioned, is worth your full attention. The core idea of a white paper is reflected in its title. This white paper is entitled Hong Kong: Democratic Progress Under the Framework of One Country, Two Systems. As we know, the word "under" signifies that the One Country, Two Systems framework and Hong Kong's democratic progress are not parallel. Rather, the framework constitutes the premise of and fundamental guarantee for Hong Kong's democratic progress, and One Country is a prerequisite for Hong Kong's democracy. The political system of Hong Kong applies locally. The election held in Hong Kong under the framework of One Country, Two Systems is a local one. The word "under" in the title helps clarify many fundamental and underlying problems. The white paper has pointed out clearly that the principle of One Country, Two Systems provides the fundamental guarantee for the development of democracy in Hong Kong. How should we understand this "fundamental guarantee"? Actually, it has shown the relationship between One Country and Two Systems. One Country is the prerequisite and basis for the Two Systems. The Two Systems are subordinate to and derive from One Country, and are an inherent part of One Country. The socialist system practiced on the mainland, the main body of the country, and the capitalist system in Hong Kong, run in parallel. However, the fact that the latter is subordinate to the former is not to be challenged. According to the white paper, the leadership by the CPC is the defining feature of Chinese socialism, and it is at the core of the order established by the Constitution. As such, it must be truly respected and upheld in Hong Kong. To determine the system of democracy in Hong Kong reflects the nature of the relationship between the central authorities and the HKSAR, and affects the region's stability and prosperity. In accordance with the Constitution and the HKSAR Basic Law, the central authorities have the final say in steering the development of democracy in Hong Kong. Only under central guidance can Hong Kong expect its democracy to make healthy progress.

也有人可能关心中国的民主和香港的民主是什么关系，其实白皮书已经做了非常明确的回答。根据宪法和基本法，香港实行的民主是中华人民共和国国家民主的组成部分，因为回归就意味着香港已经纳入国家治理体系，随着宪制秩序的确立，香港的民主制度也纳入到由宪法和基本法共同构成的宪制秩序之内。因此，在香港实行的民主是国家民主的一部分，两者的理念是相同的，是包括750万香港同胞在内的中国人民当家作主。同时，国家通过基本法具体规定了特别行政区的民主制度的主要内容和程序、基本原则，当然，由于实行“一国两制”，作为地方性的民主，香港可以根据法律规定和香港的实际情况，实行不同于内地的，具有香港特色的民主制度。

Some may be interested in the relationship between China's democracy and the democracy practiced in the HKSAR. In fact, the white paper has given clear answers in this regard. In accordance with the Constitution and the Basic Law, the system of democracy in Hong Kong is a component of the national democracy of the People's Republic of China, as Hong Kong's return to China signifies the region's reintegration into China's national governance. With the establishment of the constitutional order in Hong Kong, the system of democracy in the region has been reintegrated into the constitutional order underpinned by the Constitution and the Basic Law. Therefore, the system of democracy in Hong Kong is part of the national democracy. Both of them reflect the same philosophy, which is that the Chinese people, including the 7.5 million Hong Kong compatriots, run their own country. In the meantime, the state has, through the Basic Law, stipulated the main content, procedures, and basic principles of the system of democracy in the HKSAR. Thanks to the policy of One Country, Two Systems, Hong Kong can develop its democratic system with its own characteristics in accordance with the law and in light of the region's actual conditions, a system that applies locally and is different from that of the mainland.

白皮书提出，“中国的国体政体决定了香港回归后必然实行民主”“中国政府坚定维护在香港特别行政区发展民主的既定立场”，作为直辖于中央人民政府的特别行政区，香港的政权组织和运行要遵循宪法和基本法规定的民主原则，实行民主制度。在香港的民主发展和法治发展之间的关系上，我们也看到白皮书做了明确的定位，民主的发展要以法治为基础，要维护宪法和基本法确定的宪制秩序。我们知道，任何一个国家的民主都不是无底线的，必须运行在法治的框架和轨道上，香港的民主发展也不能逾越宪法和基本法的界限，更不能威胁国家安全，没有国家的安全，任何民主都无从谈起的。民主、自由、人权是全人类共同的价值，也是中国共产党和中国人民始终坚持的理念，民主是人民的权利，不是少数国家的专利。我们看到，中国政府发布的《中国的民主》白皮书总结了中国民主发展的成就，并提出“全过程人民民主”这样一个崭新的理念，为世界的民主发展提供了来自中国的思考、智慧和经验，为“一国两制”下的香港的民主发展提供了有力依托，为推进具有香港特色的民主发展提供了法治保障。

According to the white paper, China's state and political systems determined that Hong Kong would establish a system of democracy after its return to China. The Chinese government remains committed to developing democracy in the HKSAR. As a special administrative region directly under the Central People's Government, its government should be organized on the basis of democratic principles stipulated by the Constitution and the Basic Law, as are its functions. The white paper also clarifies the interplay between the development of democracy and the rule of law in Hong Kong. The development of democracy should be based on the rule of law, and the constitutional order determined by the Constitution and the Basic Law should be upheld. As we all know, no democratic system in the world can be free of any checks. Democracy must be run under the framework of the rule of law. The development of democracy in Hong Kong cannot break the limits of the Constitution and the Basic Law, let alone undermine China's national security. Without national security, there would be no prospect of implementing democracy. Democracy, freedom, and human rights are the common values of humanity, to which the CPC and the Chinese people remain committed. Democracy is the right of the people, not the patent held by a small number of countries. The white paper – China: Democracy That Works – recently released by the Chinese government has encapsulated China's achievements in the development of democracy and championed the new concept of "whole-process people's democracy." This has provided Chinese thoughts, wisdom, and experience for global democracy laid the groundwork for developing democracy in Hong Kong under the framework of One Country, Two Systems, and provided a rule-of-law guarantee for developing democracy with Hong Kong's characteristics.

因此，香港市民要了解关注国家的民主发展进程，通过实践，特别是经历了“修例风波”后，我们也认识到西方民主的局限性，要坚定在“一国两制”下推进具有香港特色的民主发展。谢谢大家。

Therefore, Hong Kong citizens need to understand and pay attention to our country's democratic progress. Through practice, especially after experiencing turmoil in 2019, we have realized the limitation of the Western democracy and decided to firmly advance democracy with Hong Kong characteristics under the policy of One Country, Two Systems.

香港星岛日报:

Hong Kong Sing Tao Daily:

请问白皮书的发表选在了香港立法会选举之后的第一天，请问这个时机的挑选有哪些考虑？谢谢。

The release of the white paper coincides with the first day after the Hong Kong LegCo election. May I ask what the considerations were in choosing the timing of its release? Thank you.

王振民:

Wang Zhenmin:

关于白皮书发表的时机，确实有很多看法。我觉得在立法会选举之后立即发表这个白皮书有两个方面的因素：第一，香港新的选举制度经历了两次实践的检验——选举委员会的选举和立法会的选举，这个时候对香港新的选举制度做一个总结是合适的。毕竟已有两次重要的实践，已经证明它是一套好的制度。实践是检验真理的唯一标准，我们用事实说话。这时候对香港特区新的民主制度和实践经验进行总结，全面阐释新选制、新民主的核心要义，全景式扫描香港民主发展的过程，对其中的经验教训和基本规律进行总结概括、提炼，我觉得是合适的。第二，西方一些国家、一些政客总是戴着有色眼镜来看中国、看香港的一切，对香港的民主极尽攻击抹黑之能事，这时候发表白皮书可以正本清源、还原真相，回击那些对特区民主、对特区新选制的攻击，表明中国政府在香港民主发展问题上的原则立场。我觉得这个时间点是完全合适的。谢谢。

As for the timing for the release of the white paper, there are many comments. In my view, two elements are of much concern to its debut soon after the LegCo election. First, the new electoral system of Hong Kong has twice experienced test practices: one with the elections of the Election Committee and the other with the LegCo. It is timely to summarize the new electoral system of Hong Kong. After all, the two significant practices have proved that it's a good system. The only test for truth is practice. We speak with facts. It's a good time to summarize the new electoral system in the HKSAR and its practical experience, elaborate on the core principles of the new electoral system and democracy, make a panoramic scanning of the democratic progress of Hong Kong, and extract the experience, lessons, and basic rules. I think it's appropriate. Second, some Western countries and politicians always observe China and everything in Hong Kong with self-imposed bias and resort to all kinds of means to attack and smear democracy in Hong Kong. The release of the white paper is timely to clarify facts, uncover the truth, fight against the attack on the democracy and new electoral system of the HKSAR, and manifest the principles and position of the Chinese government on the democratic progress of Hong Kong. I think the timing is very appropriate. Thank you.

香港商报记者:

Hong Kong Commercial Daily:

随着香港国安法的实施和选举制度的完善，“爱国者治港”的局面现在更加稳固。我想请问各位专家，您们认为港府下一步应该如何优化营商环境，加快香港发展步伐？谢谢。

With the implementation of the Hong Kong National Security Law and the improvement of the electoral system, the situation of Hong Kong patriots governing Hong Kong has become consolidated. My question is for the experts: how will the government of HKSAR improve the business environment and accelerate the development of Hong Kong? Thank you.

中国社会科学院法学研究所研究员、中国社会科学院台港澳研究中心研究员支振锋:

Zhi Zhenfeng:

营商环境一直是香港的金字招牌，其实“一国两制”是香港营商环境的根本保障。全世界其实都关心香港的营商环境。作为国际金融、航运和贸易中心，香港是中国的，同时它也是国际交往的桥梁，外来投资的沃土。中国政府历来坚定支持香港特别行政区政府优化香港的营商环境，保护投资者利益。

A good business environment is the hallmark of Hong Kong. In fact, the policy of One Country, Two Systems is the fundamental guarantee for the business environment in Hong Kong. People around the world are concerned with the business environment in Hong Kong. Being an international financial, shipping, and trade center, Hong Kong is a bridge of China for international communication and an attractive place for foreign investment. The Chinese government always firmly supports the government of HKSAR to improve the business environment of Hong Kong and protect the interests of investors.

法治是最好的营商环境。回归祖国以来，我们可以看到，香港营商环境不断改善，始终处于全球领先水平。“一国两制”保障了香港民主，也保证了香港法治。世界银行的《全球营商环境评估》中，香港历年来都是名列前茅。为什么？因为法治水平高，则营商环境好。“一国两制”得到成功实践，香港政局稳定、秩序良好、治理有效，法治水平高，自然市场经济发达，营商环境优良。

The rule of law underpins the best business environment. Since the return of Hong Kong to China, we have noticed that the business environment in Hong Kong continues to improve and is in a leading global position. The policy of One Country, Two Systems guarantees democracy and the rule of law in Hong Kong. According to the World Bank's Doing Business reports, Hong Kong is always at the forefront of various indicators. Why? The reason is that the high level of the rule of law ensures a good business environment. The policy of One Country, Two Systems has been successfully practiced in Hong Kong. Hong Kong now enjoys a stable political situation, good order, effective governance, high-level rule of law, a buoyant market economy, and an amiable business environment.

内外敌对势力是香港营商环境的破坏者。近年来，反中乱港势力和境外敌对势力一直在试图破坏香港法治，造成严重的社会撕裂、对抗和冲突，损害了香港的营商环境。我们可以看到，在国外，英美不断抹黑、打压、唱衰香港，去年6月美国取消对香港的特殊相关待遇，今年4月美国国务卿布林肯宣布取消香港自治贸易和金融特别待遇，7月美国又炮制“香港商业警告”，直接恐吓在港企业和个人，甚至对香港特区及内地官员进行所谓的非法“制裁”；在香港内部，反中乱港势力2014年发动非法“占中”，特别是在2019年“修例风波”中，他们阻碍交通、破坏设施、纵火焚烧、打砸商铺、趁乱抢劫、滥用私刑，甚至私造军火、强占大学……，一度将香港由“平安之都”变为“动乱之城”，使投资者失去安全感，游客对香港也望而却步。

Anti-China forces both inside and outside the region are saboteurs of Hong Kong's business environment. In recent years, anti-China agitators in Hong Kong and foreign territories have been trying to undermine the rule of law in Hong Kong, causing serious social damage, confrontation and conflict, and harming Hong Kong's business environment. We can see that foreign countries such as the U.K. and the United States continue to smear, suppress and bad-mouth Hong Kong. In June last year, the United States ended its special treatment of Hong Kong. In April this year, U.S. Secretary of State Blinken reaffirmed the cancellation of U.S. perks for Hong Kong's autonomous trade and finance. In July, the U.S. trumped up business warnings regarding Hong Kong to directly intimidate enterprises and individuals in Hong Kong, and even imposed illegal so-called sanctions on HKSAR and mainland officials. Within Hong Kong, anti-China agitators launched an illegal "Occupy Central" movement in 2014, later especially during the 2019 turmoil, they obstructed traffic, destroyed facilities, set fires, smashed shops, looted amid the chaos, attacked people, and even privately manufactured arms and weapons, and occupied universities. For a period of time, they turned Hong Kong from one of the world's safest cities into a turbulent city, which caused investors to lose their sense of security and discouraged tourists from visiting.

在关键时刻，国家才是维护香港营商环境的最坚强后盾。随着国家出台实施香港国安法、完善香港选举制度等一系列标本兼治的举措，依托中央坚强支持和大湾区广阔发展腹地，香港社会由乱及治，营商环境不断优化，经济迅速反弹，并为外国投资者提供了巨大的市场空间。这里有一些例子和数据，2020年，香港新股集资额超过5000亿港元，同比增加逾50%，稳居世界第二大新股集资市场；国际货币基金组织最近发布的报告也再次肯定香港的国际中心地位；按商品贸易总值计算，香港位列全球第六大商品贸易经济体；根据联合国贸易和发展会议的报告，香港位列全球第三大外来直接投资目的地；在最新的2021年“世界数码竞争力排名”中，香港居亚洲首位和全球第二。

At critical moments, the central authority is the strongest backing for safeguarding Hong Kong's business environment. With the introduction of a series of measures by the state to address both the symptoms and root causes, such as the enforcement of the Hong Kong National Security Law and the improvements to the electoral system of Hong Kong, relying on the strong support of the central authorities and the vast development hinterland of the Greater Bay Area, Hong Kong's society has gone from chaos to stability, the business environment has been continuously optimized, and the economy has rebounded rapidly, providing huge market space for foreign investors. Here are some examples and data: In 2020, Hong Kong's IPO funds raised exceeded HK$500 billion, an increase of more than 50% year on year, allowing it to remain the second largest IPO market in the world. A recent report issued by the International Monetary Fund (IMF) also reaffirmed Hong Kong's status as an international center. Hong Kong ranks as the sixth largest trading entity in goods in the world in terms of the total value of trade in goods. According to a report by the U.N. Conference on Trade and Development, Hong Kong ranks as the third largest destination for foreign direct investment in the world. And, in the latest 2021 World Digital Competitiveness Ranking, Hong Kong ranks first in Asia and second in the world.

特区政府很清楚、也很理解金融贸易和商业是香港经济繁荣的重要支柱。“爱国者治港”保证香港营商环境更加优良。现在香港特别行政区正在面临拨乱反正、由治及兴的新阶段，所以特区政府下一步要抓住国家全面深化改革开放带来的发展机遇，积极参与粤港澳大湾区建设和“一带一路”等国家重要的建设战略，加快融入国家发展大局，为香港经济发展注入新的动能，努力解决长期困扰香港的各类深层次矛盾和问题，进一步优化提升营商环境。谢谢。

The HKSAR government is very clear and understands that financial trade and commerce are important pillars of Hong Kong's economic prosperity. The principle of Hong Kong patriots governing Hong Kong can guarantee a better business environment in Hong Kong. The HKSAR is now entering a new stage of restored order, thriving society and further prosperity. Therefore, the HKSAR government must seize the development opportunities brought about by the country's comprehensive deepening of reform and opening-up, actively participate in the significant national construction strategies such as building the Guangdong-Hong Kong-Macao Greater Bay Area and the Belt and Road Initiative, accelerate integration into the overall national development, inject new momentum into Hong Kong's economic development, work hard to resolve various deep-seated problems that have plagued Hong Kong for a long time, and further optimize and enhance the business environment. Thank you.

彭博新闻社记者:

Bloomberg News:

想问一下现在有没有关于香港行政长官普选的时间表？谢谢。

Can we ask, is there a timeline for the universal suffrage for the chief executive? Thank you.

王振民:

Wang Zhenmin:

我先谈一些看法。白皮书重申了对香港民主发展问题的原则立场，基本法规定的双普选的目标没有改变，未来行政长官和立法会两个产生办法的修改仍然是按照宪法、香港基本法，特别是新修订的基本法附件一、附件二的规定，从香港的实际出发来进行。多年来，中央为了香港的民主发展，耗费了大量的时间、精力和资源，香港社会为此也付出了巨大的努力，还造成了严重的政治动荡。因政治耽误了经济民生。现在我们有了一套好的民主选举制度，可以说是来之不易，我们都付出了很高昂的“学费”，换来了今天新的民主制度。我觉得应该好好珍惜、巩固。香港社会经过这么长时间的动荡动乱，我自己的感受是：人心思定，要让社会休养生息，把精力、资源更多地用在发展经济、改善民生、创造美好生活上，为香港民主健康发展打下坚实的经济和社会基础。我觉得这是我们香港广大居民所期待的。

Allow me to first discuss some points of view. The white paper reiterated the principle and position on the issue of democratic development in Hong Kong. The goals of dual universal suffrage laid down in the Basic Law of the HKSAR have not changed. Future amendments to the two methods for the elections of the chief executive and the LegCo will still be in accordance with the Constitution and the Basic Law of HKSAR, especially the newly revised Basic Law Annex I and Annex II, and will proceed from the realities of Hong Kong. Over the years, the central government has spent a lot of time, energy and resources on the democratic development of Hong Kong. Hong Kong's society has also made tremendous efforts in this regard, which has even caused serious political turmoil. The economy and people's livelihoods were interfered with because of politics. Now that we have a good democratic election system, it can be said that it has not come easily. We have all paid high prices in exchange for today's new democratic system. I think it should be cherished and consolidated. After such a long period of social turbulence and turmoil in Hong Kong, my own feeling is that people are longing for stability, it is necessary to allow the society to recuperate, and spend more energy and resources on developing the economy, improving people's livelihoods, and creating better lives, so as to lay a solid economic and social foundation for the healthy development of Hong Kong's democracy. I think this is what the residents of Hong Kong expect.

白皮书在第六部分第一个方面还特别重申了中央对香港的基本方针政策，该部分明确要坚定不移全面准确贯彻执行“一国两制”“港人治港”、高度自治的方针没有变，要确保“一国两制”方针不会变、不动摇，确保“一国两制”实践不走样、不变形，这为香港的民主发展提供了根本的保障。特别要注意的是，这些年大家听得比较多的是香港融入国家发展大局，但大家还要注意到，白皮书明确指出，同时要大力支持香港同世界各国、各地广泛交流合作，保护各国投资者的合法利益。香港是中国的香港，但它是一个国际经济贸易金融平台，是全世界用的平台，不仅仅是中国用的平台。所以，中国愿意与各国分享这个平台，共享中国发展带来的红利。多年各种国际评估机构认为，香港过去是、现在是、将来也一定是全球最自由、最友好、最开放、最具活力的自由港和国际金融中心，这一点只会加强，不会改变。谢谢。

The white paper also reiterated in the first section of Part VI the central government's basic policies for Hong Kong. This section clearly states that we must continue to abide by a set of key principles: One Country, Two Systems, Hong Kong governed by the people of Hong Kong, and a high degree of autonomy for the region; and make sure that the policy of One Country, Two Systems will remain unchanged and that it is implemented faithfully. This is the fundamental guarantee for the development of democracy in the HKSAR. More specifically, in recent years, we've often heard about the notion of promoting HK's integration into national development, however, it is important to note that the white paper clearly points out the Chinese government supports Hong Kong in extensive exchanges and cooperation with other countries and areas, and attaches great importance to protecting the legitimate interests of foreign investors in Hong Kong. Hong Kong belongs to China, yet it is also an international economic, trade and financial platform, a platform benefiting not only China but also other countries in the world. Therefore, China is willing to share this platform with other countries and share the dividends brought by China's development. For many years, many international assessment agencies have believed that Hong Kong was, is, and will be the world's freest, friendliest, most open, and most dynamic free port and international financial center. This will only be strengthened and will not be changed. Thanks.

中国日报记者:

China Daily:

白皮书提到，强调“爱国者治港”，不意味着不允许持不同政见或主张者存在，也不意味着压制批评政府的声音；香港特区的民主不存在“清一色”的问题，而是在爱国爱港旗帜下不断扩大团结面，增强包容性，构建最广泛的“一国两制”统一战线，早前港澳办主任也指立法会候选人“五光十色”，请问刚刚结束的立法会选举有没有体现以上原则？谢谢。

The white paper mentions that having Hong Kong patriots govern Hong Kong does not exclude people with different political views or ideas, nor will criticism of the government be suppressed. Democracy in the HKSAR allows ample room for different opinions and political groups, and there will be a plurality of voices in the government. All those who love the country and Hong Kong should stand together to form the most extensive united front, and expand it and make it more inclusive under the framework of One Country, Two Systems. The head of the Hong Kong and Macao Affairs Office of China's State Council also pointed out earlier that there was a diverse range of candidates for the LegCo election. Did the recently concluded LegCo election reflect this nature? Thanks.

韩大元:

Han Dayuan:

谢谢记者的提问，这个问题我来回答。因为从选举制度改革到今天，从参选人的产生到候选人的产生，现在已经产生了90名候任议员，大家很关注政治包容性是如何体现的，大家关注的问题当中，我觉得新选制的政治包容性、多元性是出现频率最高的，我作为一个学者，有这样一些思考，与大家共同来交流一下。

Thank you for your question. Since the changes and improvements were made to Hong Kong's electoral system, a total of 90 LegCo members have been elected. People are very concerned about how political inclusion is manifested. Among the questions of concern, I found that political inclusion and diversity of the electoral system are the terms that appear most frequently. As a scholar, I have some thoughts to share with you in this regard.

首先，我觉得我们谈政治包容性的时候，一定要有一个基本的前提，也就是我前面谈到的，这次白皮书的名称是《“一国两制”下香港的民主发展》，“一国两制”本身是中国对人类政治文明最大的、独创性的贡献之一，它的实质内容在于一个主权国家内两种截然不同的制度和平共处，在一个国家的范围内各自发挥优势，所以，这个制度本身的创立、发展就体现了最大的政治包容性与最大的政治勇气，这也是一个中国对世界文明的贡献。我们看到，包括批评中国“一国两制”的一些国家也好，政客也好，虽然他批评，但他很认同“一国两制”的贡献。在近一百年人类政治文明史上，我们找不到类似的制度安排。在中国共产党领导的社会主义国家中，用“一国两制”的方式来解决历史遗留的问题，这样一种政治包容性首先体现在了“一国两制”的初心和它的基本理念当中。在“一国两制”下进行的香港的民主发展，包括这次选举制度的改革，必然体现了最大的政治包容性，这本身就是“一国两制”最大的理念。

First of all, we must set a basic premise when talking about political inclusion, as I have mentioned earlier. The name of this white paper is "Hong Kong: Democratic Progress Under the Framework of One Country, Two Systems." The policy of One Country, Two Systems itself is one of China's greatest and most unique contributions to the political civilization of mankind. Its essence lies in the peaceful coexistence of two distinct systems within a sovereign country, each exerting respective advantages within the scope of a country. Therefore, the establishment and development of this system itself embodies the greatest political inclusion and greatest political courage, which is also one of China's contributions to world civilization. We have seen that though some countries or politicians criticize China's policy of One Country, Two Systems, they all recognize its contribution. In the history of human political civilization over the past 100 years, we cannot find similar institutional arrangements. In the socialist country of China, the policy of One Country, Two Systems is used to solve problems leftover from history. The political inclusion is embodied in the commitment and basic philosophy of China's government to the principle of One Country, Two Systems. The democratic development of Hong Kong under the policy of One Country, Two Systems, including the reform of the electoral system, reflects the greatest political inclusion, which in itself demonstrates the philosophy of the policy of One Country, Two Systems.

白皮书在很多方面都强调了民主的包容性、多元性，特别是强调选举过程当中如何确保包容性。比如说白皮书概括了这次选举制度的四个特点，其中第一个特点是广泛的代表性，要吸引不同背景的人士来参加，以体现它的多样性。第二个特点是政治的包容性，参选人、候选人来自不同的政治光谱，无论有什么样的政治理念、政治观点，大家都是平等的。具有不同的政治意见，不同的政治观点，是正常的。“爱国者治港”是这次完善选举制度的根本原则，也是推动香港民主发展的根本基础，我们必须要强调“爱国者治港”，但“爱国者治港”的原则并不是说要搞“清一色”，“爱国者治港”是强调任何香港居民，只要秉持爱国爱港的立场，不从事危害国家主权、安全、发展利益和香港繁荣稳定的活动，都可以依法参与选举，参与香港未来的治理。所以这并不意味着不允许持不同政见者、不同政策主张者的存在，更不是西方国家批评的所谓压制批评政府的声音，因为政治的包容性和多元性就是要落实“爱国者治港”原则的应有之义。大家都很熟悉，香港社会本身就是一个多元社会，在公共政策、法律的制定和重大问题上，大家有不同意见、不同看法，甚至是一些尖锐的批评，都是正常的，因为基本法明确保障香港居民的言论自由，表达自由，新闻自由，集会游行等自由，这些都是基本法保障的基本权利和自由。所以中央强调让反中乱港分子出局，并不是说要把立法会变成“清一色”。比如我们看到这次153名参选人和90名候任议员，本身就体现了广泛性和均衡性。从社会背景来看，这些候任议员有神职人员、中学校长、大学教授、执业律师、医生，还有社区工作者等等，这样的广泛代表性也是政治包容性、多元性的体现。90名候任议员当中有56名是新面孔，比重占整个立法会的62%。我希望大家看白皮书的时候特别要注意一个重要理念，白皮书提出，在爱国爱港旗帜下实现最广泛的团结，不断扩大团结面，增强包容性，建立最广泛的“一国两制”统一战线是白皮书最重要的一个理念。要广泛地团结，意味着我们不以政治观点、背景、主张来分什么派别，我们唯一的标准就是谁为香港市民办事、谁维护香港的繁荣与稳定，由此形成香港社会的最大共识。

The white paper emphasized the inclusiveness and diversity of democracy in many aspects. Notably, it highlighted how to ensure the inclusiveness of the election. For example, the white paper summarized four characteristics of the electoral system. First, it is broadly representative. The electoral system has attracted an impressive range of candidates from diverse backgrounds, which shows its diversity. Second, it is politically inclusive. Candidates for the LegCo, from different points on the political spectrum, are all equal, no matter what political philosophies and opinions they hold. It's normal that they have different political views or opinions. Hong Kong patriots governing Hong Kong is the fundamental principle for improving the region's electoral system and the foundation for promoting its democratic progress. Hong Kong patriots must govern Hong Kong, but this principle doesn't mean disallowing different voices. Any Hong Kong residents can stand for election and participate in governing Hong Kong in accordance with the law, as long as they love the country and Hong Kong and are not involved in activities that undermine national sovereignty, security, and development interests or jeopardize Hong Kong's prosperity and stability. Therefore, it does not exclude people with different political views or ideas, nor will criticism of the government be suppressed, as said by some Western countries. Political inclusiveness and diversity are essential to implementing the principle of Hong Kong patriots governing Hong Kong. As you know, Hong Kong itself is a diverse society. Usually, people hold different views, opinions, or even sharp criticisms concerning the formulation of public policies and laws and significant issues. However, the Basic Law stipulates that Hong Kong residents shall have freedom of speech, press, assembly, and procession. These are all fundamental rights and freedoms safeguarded by the Basic Law. Hence, the central government clarifies that no instigator of disorder should be allowed into the governing body of the HKSAR, which doesn't mean that no other voices are allowed in the LegCo. During this election, 153 candidates were vying for 90 LegCo seats, which indicates that the electoral system is broadly representative and ensures balanced participation. From the perspective of social background, these LegCo members include clergy, school principals, university professors, lawyers, doctors, and community workers, and such broad representation reflects political inclusiveness and diversity. Among the 90 LegCo members, 56 are new faces, accounting for 62% of the total. Hopefully, you will notice an essential idea in the white paper: All those who love the country and Hong Kong should stand together to form the most extensive united front, expand it, and make it more inclusive under the One Country, Two Systems framework. The extensive united front means that we do not differentiate between political groups based on their political views, backgrounds, or ideas; our sole criterion is to see who serves the people of Hong Kong and safeguards the prosperity and stability of Hong Kong. In this way, we have formed a consensus among Hong Kong society to the most significant extent.

我作为一个学者，特别想强调一下，回归以来，特别是2005年以来，香港社会确实形成了一些习惯性的用语，比如什么“建制派”“非建制派”“民主派”，民主本身是很崇高的、伟大的名词，有时候贴上“民主派”，或者其他什么标签，在回归后的特定时期，形成这样一些习惯性用语是可以理解的，但是这样一种用语，或者一种思维方式，无法客观表现香港社会的多元利益格局，不利于营造多元、宽容的政治文化氛围，很容易把爱国爱港但是持有不同政治观点的人贴标签，人为的把爱国力量区分为不同的派别，我觉得不利于团结社会各界人士，不利于凝聚社会共识。白皮书强调建立最广泛的“一国两制”统一战线，我认为是一个非常重要的理念。因为民主的核心在于民众在制度实施当中提升他的认同和获得感，立法会的议员当选之后，怎么样真正脚踏实地为市民服务是问题的关键。由于疫情、“修例风波”等所留下来的这样一个环境，香港社会特别是市民正面临着很多的挑战，很多民生问题，住房、就业等问题，希望通过新的立法会来解决。在我看来，当选为立法会议员，只是香港市民给的一个“准考证”，未来的四年，是不是真正为香港市民服务，90名候任议员能不能拿到“毕业证”值得期待。因为要不要给“毕业证”，最有发言权的是香港市民，我也特别期待90名候任议员正式宣誓以后能够回应香港市民最迫切的期待。谢谢。

As a scholar, I would especially like to emphasize that since Hong Kong's return to China, since 2005 in particular, some regular expressions took shape in Hong Kong society, such as "pro-establishment camp," "opposition camp," and "pro-democracy camp." Democracy is a very noble and great term. It is understandable to form such habitual expressions as the "pro-democracy camp" label at times, or other labels, in a certain period after its return, but such a phrase, or a way of thinking, cannot objectively demonstrate the diverse interests in Hong Kong society, and is not beneficial for building a diverse and inclusive political and cultural atmosphere. It is apt to, by labeling people who love the country and Hong Kong but hold different political views, artificially divide patriotic people into various factions, which I think is not conducive to uniting people from all sectors of society or building social consensus. The white paper emphasizes forming the most extensive united front under One Country, Two Systems. I believe it is a very important concept because the core of democracy lies in enhancing people's sense of identity and gaining in system implementation. The key to the issue lies in how LegCo members genuinely serve the people after the election. Due to the COVID-19 pandemic and the anti-extradition turmoil, Hong Kong society, especially the Hong Kong people, faces many challenges and issues concerning livelihood, such as housing and employment, which are expected to be addressed through the new LegCo. In my view, being elected to the LegCo is just an exam admission ticket given by the Hong Kong people, and it remains to be seen whether the 90 members elected will genuinely serve the Hong Kong people in the next four years and whether they will be able to obtain their "graduation certificates." The Hong Kong people are in the best position to say whether or not to give them the "graduation certificates," and I particularly look forward to seeing them respond to the most urgent expectations of the Hong Kong people after being sworn in. Thank you.

日本共同社记者:

Kyodo News:

这次香港立法会选举，据报道投票为历史新低，有些欧美国家团体为此批评没有代表性，中方对此有何评价？谢谢。

It is reported that the voter turnout in this Hong Kong LegCo election was a record low. Some European and American organizations, therefore, criticized it as unrepresentative. What is the comment on the Chinese side? Thank you.

韩大元:

Han Dayuan:

我作为宪法学教授，也研究选举法。刚才这位日本记者提出的问题也是大家很关心的，选举结束之后，我经常听到一些朋友，包括一些国外朋友说，到底怎么看选举之后的投票率，所以你提的问题也是大家很关注的，香港社会也有一些分析，我只是作为一个学者，谈一下我的观察和看法。

As a professor of constitutional law, I also study electoral law. The question brought up by the Japanese journalist is also what you all pay great attention to. After the election, I often heard some friends, including some foreign friends, discuss about the voter turnout. The question you raised is of wide attention, and there are also some analyses in Hong Kong society. I would like to share my observations and opinions just as a scholar.

看投票率，要客观综合地看选举效果。从统计数字来看，本次立法会选举直选投票率30.2%，功能界别32.22%，选举委员会界别是98.48%，香港选举特色就在于把选举分为地区选举、功能界别选举和选委会选举三个部分，所以我们要评价选举效果到底怎么样，不能只看三种选举类型当中某一个类型，要综合看，这是我的第一个基本看法。

To interpret the voter turnout, we should take an objective and comprehensive look at the election results. According to statistics, in this LegCo election, the voter turnout was 30.2% in geographical constituencies, 32.22% in functional constituencies, and 98.48% in the Election Committee constituency. The election is divided into three parts: geographical constituency election, functional constituency election, and Election Committee election. Therefore, to evaluate the election results, we should not just look at any one of the three election types but take a comprehensive view. That's my first basic idea.

第二，根据我对法治和民主理论的理解以及国际上的一些观点，投票率并不直接等于民主性，投票率的高低不一定意味着选举民主正当性的高低，将投票率和民主性、正当性直接挂钩，或者等同起来，我认为至少是不符合法治和民主理论的。我们观察选举的效果，不应该把投票率作为唯一的标准。投票率很重要，因为这是选民自由意志的体现，但并不是唯一的。我们只是把投票率作为选民参与政治意志表达的一个指标。不能只看多少人投票，也要看投票选出的候选人是哪些人，这些候选人能不能为社会的各个阶层、社会的发展，特别是香港的整体利益、市民的利益服务。前面我也谈到，香港的选举是地方性的选举，我们也观察了一下，近几年来，一些西方国家的地区选举，其中的投票率也有高低。比如纽约、洛杉矶这些城市的地方选举投票率有时候只有20%左右，伦敦市议会投票率在3-4成之间，也是有不同变化的。我特别查了一下，今年日本东京都议会选举投票率大约是42%，欧洲议会议员选举投票率在20%左右，所以投票率的高低在不同国家、不同地区受到客观上综合因素的影响。所以我们不能只看投票率的高低。

Second, according to my understanding of the rule of law and democratic theory and some views from the international community, turnout is not directly equal to democracy, and the turnout figures do not necessarily indicate the level of democracy and legitimacy of elections. To directly link turnout with democracy and legitimacy or equate turnout with democracy and legitimacy, in my opinion, is at least not in accordance with the rule of law and democratic theory. We should not take turnout as the sole criterion when we observe the election results. Turnout matters because it is an expression of voters' free will, but it is not the only one. We only use it as one of the indicators of voters' engagement in the expression of political intention. We should not only look at how many people have voted, but also who the elected are, and whether they can serve every sector of society, the development of society, and especially the interests of Hong Kong as a whole and its people. As I said earlier, the elections in Hong Kong are local. As we have observed, in recent years, local elections in some Western countries have seen different levels of voter turnout. For example, the turnout in local elections in cities like New York and Los Angeles was sometimes only around 20%, and that of London Assembly elections was between 30% and 40%, which also varies. I have done some research on it. The voter turnout in this year's Tokyo metropolitan assembly election was around 42%, and that in the European Parliament elections was about 20%. Therefore, the voter turnout in different countries and regions is affected by a combination of factors, so we should not just look at the turnout.

另外，这次选举制度改革从设计到具体落实，时间上还是比较紧的，因为除了中央的选举制度总体方案之外，香港本地也要把它落实好。所以，参与的各方都需要一个适应和理解的过程，特别新的选举制度中，选举程序、规则的确有些复杂，有些选民还在熟悉和观望当中，我想这些都是可以理解的。因为选举制度重点在它的包容性和均衡性，尤其这次选举制度改革是在香港立法会乱象百出的背景下进行的，我们应该充分尊重选民在这样一个新旧选举制度转型时期需要理解的过程，选民有些观望，甚至可能有不满意，都是正常的。参加投票也好，没有投票，或者投给哪些候选人，都是需要我们尊重的。选民共同的愿望都是把香港搞好，让香港繁荣稳定。随着时间的发展，我相信选民对新的选举制度是会形成共识的。当然，关于这次选举投票率的问题，有三个要素是我们必须要点到的，希望大家关注到。第一个，过去的香港选举过于强调政治，高度政治化，选举的政治议题多，民生议题少。这次最大的变化也是最大的亮点是，候选人高度关注民生问题、经济问题，所以选举文化从过去的政治撕裂产生的不健康选举文化逐步转变到以民生为核心的新的选举文化，这本身也需要一个过程。第二，我们也看到西方的一些反华势力，包括反中乱港分子的干扰，对这次选举也是有影响的。比如一些反中乱港分子鼓吹不投票，部分香港所谓的民调组织，通过民调影响选民自由的判断。此外，香港选民和候选人之间见面的机制是很灵活的，但由于疫情原因，这次没有安排更多的活动。投票率的高低受种种原因的综合作用，我们应该客观综合地分析。

Besides, the reform of the electoral system this time, from designing to practical implementation, was under a tight schedule, as the central government had to make a general plan, and the HKSAR needed to implement the plan well. Therefore, all involved parties needed time to adjust to and comprehend the new system. Notably, the electoral procedures and rules of the new system are indeed complex, so it is understandable that some voters are still getting familiar with the system or looking on. The key to the electoral system lies in its inclusiveness and balance. Given that the reform was carried out against the backdrop of the disordered and chaotic HKSAR LegCo, we should fully respect voters as they take time to comprehend the transformation from an old electoral system to a new one. It is normal that some voters are looking on, and some might even be dissatisfied. We should show respect whether they voted or not and whoever they voted for. The common wish of the electorate is an orderly, prosperous, and steady Hong Kong. The voters will reach a consensus on the new electoral system over time. About the voter turnout this time, there are three points we need to make clear and hope you will notice. First, the Hong Kong elections in the past were highly politicalized, so there were more political issues and less issues about people's livelihood. The most significant change and highlight of the elections this time was that the candidates paid much attention to issues about people's livelihood and the economy. Therefore, the electoral culture is changing from an unhealthy one caused by political rifts in the past to one with people's livelihood as its core, which is a gradual process. Second, we noticed disruption from some anti-China forces from the West, including instigators of disorder in Hong Kong. For instance, some of those forces called for no voting, and some so-called poll organizations in Hong Kong disturbed the free choices of voters by polls. One more thing is that the meeting mechanism between Hong Kong's electorate and the candidates is flexible, but due to the pandemic, no more activities were arranged this time. Voter turnout is under the comprehensive influence of various factors, and we should take an objective and comprehensive approach to analyze it.  

虽然有这样那样的评价，这次选举制度最大的成功就是一整套好的选举制度顺利落地，对此我们应该有客观的评价。谢谢。

Despite different views, the most significant success of the reform is the sound implementation of a good electoral system. Therefore, we should have objective evaluations. Thank you.

王振民:

Wang Zhenmin:

我补充一点。我特别关注上个月纽约市的选举，纽约地方选举的投票率是24%。纽约有800万人，香港有750万人，它的选民比香港多，但是纽约市出来投票的只有130万人，这次香港有135万人出来投票。投票率是不能说明问题的。而且，在美国有一个现象，地方选举，比如市、县的选举、州的选举的投票率都比联邦选举低很多，但是美国多次民意调查表明，美国人民对地方政府的信任度可能更高。有一份研究表明，投票率就像是“抽血”，“抽血”是检验身体有没有问题，但你不需要抽很多血，抽一管血就行了。美国共和党、民主党在投票率问题上斗争非常激烈。民主党希望极力推高投票率，而共和党一直要打击投票率，把投票率压下去。如果让民主党把投票率搞那么高，共和党永远赢不了。所以投票率不是真的反映民主的问题，而是要赢，这才是根本。谢谢。

I want to add one point. I paid particular attention to the New York City elections last month, the voter turnout of which was 24%. NYC has a population of 8 million, while Hong Kong has a population of 7.5 million. The electorate of NYC is more than that of Hong Kong, but only 1.3 million people voted in the NYC elections, in contrast to the 1.35 million in the Hong Kong elections. Voter turnout is not the critical point. Besides, there is a phenomenon in the US that the voter turnouts of state-, city- and county-level elections are lower than that of the federal elections. However, many public opinion polls suggested that American people may trust local governments more. A survey indicates that voter turnout is like drawing blood, which is intended to examine if the body has problems, but you don't have to draw too much and one tube of blood is enough. The Republican Party and the Democratic Party severely struggle with each other on voter turnout. The Democratic Party wants to make it high, while the Republican Party wants to keep it low, believing if the Democratic Party has a high voter turnout, the Republican Party can never win. So, voter turnout in this case is not an issue truly reflecting democracy but an issue affecting election victory, which is the fundamental concern. Thank you.

凤凰卫视记者:

Phoenix TV:

我们看到白皮书的叙事时间跨度非常大，从殖民时期一直到现在整整180年时间。请问白皮书为什么会选择这样一个大跨度的时间，从历史的角度来叙事呢？谢谢。

We can see that the white paper covers a very long time span of 180 years from the colonial times to nowadays. Why does the white paper travel such a long time into the past and adopt a historical perspective? Thank you.

支振锋:

Zhi Zhenfeng:

我来回答这个问题。其实这个问题的实质是香港的民主是怎么产生、怎么发展的，这本来是一个基本的事实问题，但是长期以来却被刻意歪曲。有一个流传很广的传闻或者说是神话，说香港民主是英国人的恩赐，是英国人开启的。这真的是一个“hearsay”，或者是“rumour”。宣扬英国殖民者赐予香港民主，是在精心编织谎言，所以戳穿谎言才能正本清源。

I will answer this question. The essence of the question is how democracy has been created and developed in Hong Kong. Though a basic fact, the answer has been distorted on purpose for a long time. There is a widespread hearsay or myth that the democracy in Hong Kong was bestowed and initiated by the British. It is truly a hearsay or rumor. To say that the British colonists bestowed democracy on Hong Kong is to fabricate a lie deliberately. Only by exposing the lie can we reveal the real picture from the very beginning.

白皮书一个非常重要的功能是要还原真相、正本清源。长期以来反中乱港势力和境外敌对势力内外勾结、肆意操弄，导致包括香港同胞在内很多人对香港民主产生与发展的认知模糊甚至颠倒，香港市民认知模糊了，这些反中乱港势力就有机会了。这些年，他们颠倒是非、教唆蛊惑、煽动黑暴、兴风作浪，导致香港民主发展屡遭挫折。“历史是最好的教科书”，所以白皮书的历史跨度是比较大的，就是要从历史上去正本清源，去还原历史的真相。

One of the important functions of the white paper is to help clarify facts and set the record straight. Over the years, the Hong Kong agitators have colluded with external anti-China forces to manipulate facts. As a result, many people, including some Hong Kong compatriots, have got a vague or even misinformed understanding of the origin and development of democracy in Hong Kong. This allowed anti-China agitators to foment considerable trouble. Over the years, they have confused truth and falsehood, instigated and abetted illegal activities, incited masked rioters to violence and caused social unrest. Again and again, democracy in Hong Kong was held back by them. History is the best textbook. Therefore, the white paper covers a long history in order to clarify historical facts and set the record straight.

白皮书要讲清楚香港民主的产生与发展这个基本的事实问题。一方面，要揭露美国、英国等关于香港民主论述的谎言。一个多世纪的殖民统治期间，英国在香港扮演的角色始终是香港民主的阻碍者、破坏者、搅局者。英国殖民统治下，香港没有民主可言。英国任命的香港第22任总督葛量洪，在他的回忆录中有一句话非常形象：“在这个英国直辖殖民地，总督地位仅次于上帝”。在英国殖民统治香港的末期，的确是违背民主发展的基本规律，急速推出“三违反”的所谓“政制改革”，这根本不是要给香港民主，而是要通过“政改”这个别有用心的政治操弄，歪曲基本法对香港民主的制度设计，企图把香港变成一个违反应有宪制地位的独立或半独立的政治实体，这样就可以实现英国人所希望实现的“主权回归、治权不回归”的险恶图谋，在回归后继续延续它在香港的影响。所以，这个实质就是英国在殖民统治末期的光荣撤退战略的一部分。

The white paper presents basic facts about the origin and development of democracy in Hong Kong. On one hand, it exposes the lies fabricated by the U.S. and the U.K. about Hong Kong's democracy. During more than a century of British colonial rule, the U.K. had constantly undermined, disrupted and obstructed the development of democracy in Hong Kong. Simply put, under British colonial rule, there was no democracy in Hong Kong. As Alexander Grantham, the 22nd governor of Hong Kong appointed by the British government, wrote in his memoir, "In a crown colony the Governor is next to the Almighty." At the end of its colonial rule, the British government rushed through the so-called "electoral reform" in Hong Kong, which violated the Joint Declaration of the Government of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland and the Government of the People's Republic of China on the Question of Hong Kong (Sino-British Joint Declaration). It also violated the principle of aligning Hong Kong's future political system with the Basic Law, as well as previous agreements and understandings reached between the two sides. Known as the "Three Violations," these were imposed in Hong Kong against the basic rules of democratic development. Instead of bringing democracy to Hong Kong, its ulterior motives for doing so were to pervert the democratic system designed by the Basic Law and turn Hong Kong into a de facto independent or semi-independent political entity against the region's due constitutional status. The vicious intention of the U.K. was to undermine China's full governance over Hong Kong after the country resumed its sovereignty over the region, and extend British political influence after Hong Kong's return to China. In fact, this was part of a British attempt to portray their withdrawal as somehow "honorable" at the end of colonial rule.

另外一方面，白皮书阐述中国共产党和中国政府才是香港特别行政区民主真正的设计者、创立者、维护者和推进者。香港的民主究竟是怎么来的，白皮书讲得非常清楚，“回归祖国开启了香港民主的新纪元”。第一，中国国体决定了香港回归后必然实行民主，因为人民民主是社会主义的生命，是中国共产党始终高举的旗帜，是中国共产党和中国人民矢志不渝、持之以恒坚持的理念，香港回归之后必然要实行民主。第二，中央政府始终坚持贯彻“一国两制”方针和基本法，支持香港特别行政区依法有序发展民主，也为推动香港民主向前发展持续作出重大努力，包括批准对行政长官和立法会产生办法作出修改、为实现普选目标定下时间表、为实现行政长官普选绘制路线图等，特别是针对反中乱港分子及其背后外部势力的阻挠破坏，中央政府采取一系列标本兼治的举措，推动香港局势实现由乱到治的重大转折，推动香港民主发展重回“一国两制”的正确轨道。

On the other hand, the white paper says the CPC and the Chinese government designed, created, safeguarded and advanced Hong Kong's system of democracy. It makes clear where democracy in Hong Kong came from, that is, "the return of Hong Kong to China ushered in a new era for democracy." First, China's state system determined that Hong Kong would establish a system of democracy after its return to China. People's democracy is the life of socialism, a brilliant banner that has always been held high by the CPC, and an ideal that has always been cherished by the CPC and the Chinese people. Hence, Hong Kong would definitely establish a system of democracy after its return to China. Second, the central government has remained committed to the policy of One Country, Two Systems and to the Basic Law of the HKSAR, fully supporting the orderly development of democracy in Hong Kong in accordance with the law. Also, the central government has taken significant steps to advance democracy in Hong Kong, including giving the approval to amend election methods for the Chief Executive and the LegCo, setting a timetable for universal suffrage, drawing up a roadmap for electing the Chief Executive by universal suffrage and so on. In response to the obstruction and disruption by anti-China agitators and those external groups behind them, the central government has taken a series of decisive measures that addressed both the symptoms and root causes of the unrest to restore order to Hong Kong, bringing its democratic progress that underpins One Country, Two Systems back on track.

所以我们可以相信，随着“爱国者治港”原则的逐步落实和新选举制度的逐步推进，香港必将在符合“一国两制”原则和香港实际情况的民主发展道路上稳步前进。所以说，香港民主前景无限光明。谢谢。

Therefore, we have reasons to believe that by gradually implementing the principle of Hong Kong patriots governing Hong Kong, combined with continued progress in promoting the new electoral system, Hong Kong's democratic development will steadily advance in accordance with the One Country, Two Systems principle and the realities in Hong Kong. To sum up, the future of Hong Kong's democracy is unlimited and bright. Thank you.

香港中评社记者:

CRNTT:

我们看到白皮书强调香港民主制度不应照搬任何其他地方的模式，必须按照“一国两制”方针和基本法，切合香港的政治经济社会文化历史等条件，探索具有香港特色的民主道路。请问香港特色的民主的优越性具体表现在哪里？谢谢。

The white paper stressed that the system of democracy in Hong Kong should not be a replica of some other model. Rather, a path to democracy with Hong Kong characteristics should be explored under the policy of One Country, Two Systems, and the Basic Law and in keeping with its political, economic, social, cultural and historical conditions. So, what are the strengths of democracy with Hong Kong characteristics? Thank you.

王振民:

Wang Zhenmin:

这次修改完善香港选举制度，构建了新的民主制度，具有很多特点、亮点、优越性，我觉得主要有几个方面：

The revision and improvement of Hong Kong's electoral system have formed a new democratic system with many characteristics, highlights, and strengths, which mainly lie in the following aspects:

第一，既讲政治安全又讲政治包容，世界各国构建自己的选举制度都是安全第一，我们看到，在世界上，包括美国都说他的选举被外国干预了，他要反对，哪个国家不反对外国干预？外国干预会把民主变成一个畸形的民主，不是本地人在享受民主生活，而是被一些外部势力操弄扭曲的民主。为什么要排除反中乱港分子参加民主生活？因为他根本不是为了搞民主，所以一定要讲选举的安全、政治的安全，这才是第一位的。这次新的选举制度做到了，所有的参选人都是爱国爱港的，真正是让建设香港的人来讨论香港问题，不是为外部势力服务的人来这儿搅局。同时又讲政治包容，我们解决安全问题排除的是外部的干预、外部的干扰，不是排除民主、排除政治的包容。刚才韩大元教授也讲了，夏宝龙副主席在前不久的讲话当中对政治包容讲得非常精辟，排除了那些不干正事、为外部势力服务的人。香港内部的政治是非常多元，光谱是极其广阔的，这些人都是正常参与的，被排除的只是那些不正常的人，那正常的就显现出来了。所以无论是参选人、当选人，各党各派，光谱多元，我觉得这是新的选举制度一个非常重要的亮点。构建“一国两制”下的最广泛的统一战线，也是亮点。在讨论过程中我们看到，很多人主张外国人选举权是不是不要了，全世界没有外国人拿一张绿卡就可以给选举权、被选举权的情况。但这次没有将此规定修改，这不是政治包容吗？

First, it underlines both political security and political inclusiveness. All countries put safety first in their electoral systems. We have seen multiple countries, including the United States, saying that other countries interfered with their elections, and such interference should be opposed. Is there any country that doesn't resist foreign interference? Foreign intervention will deform democracy. Should that occur, democracy will be manipulated and distorted by certain external forces, and people cannot enjoy a democratic life. Why should we exclude anti-China elements who disrupt Hong Kong from participating in democratic life? The reason lies in that what they truly want is not democracy. Therefore, we should fully ensure election and political security, which are the most important. Under the new electoral system, all the candidates are patriotic and love Hong Kong. It is up to those who have built Hong Kong to discuss Hong Kong issues, not those who serve foreign forces to stir up trouble. The new electoral system also highlights political inclusiveness. To ensure security, we don't need to exclude democracy and political inclusiveness but external interference and disruption. Prof. Han has just talked about this point. In his recent speech, Xia Baolong, vice chairman of the National Committee of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference, also made an in-depth exposition on political inclusiveness. We only exclude those who are doing bad things and serving external forces. Hong Kong's local politics are diverse, and the political spectrum is vast. Those with ulterior motives were the only ones excluded. Therefore, the candidates and those elected are from various political groups across a broad spectrum. I think this is a very significant feature of the new electoral system. Developing the broadest possible united front under the framework of One Country, Two Systems is also a bright spot. During relevant discussions, it was proposed by many people that foreigners' right to vote be removed. There is no other place in the world like Hong Kong where foreigners can enjoy the right to vote and the right to stand for election with a "green card" (permanent resident status). But no change was made to this stipulation. Isn't this a manifestation of political inclusiveness?

第二，讲民主讲竞争。有一些误解说“爱国者治港”是不是就不要竞争了，“躺赢”就行了？这也是在香港有史以来第一次完全消灭了“躺赢”的情况。大家都要竞争，爱国爱港者之间也要充分的竞争，让港人真正在正常情况下选举。过去的选举是不正常的，现在还权于民，把民主从反中乱港政客手中夺回来，交还给港人，让港人自由选择，真正当家做主，过自己的民主生活。所以竞争的激烈程度不亚于过去。这次选举，大家都在同一平台上，就是比政纲、比经验、比能力、比爱国爱港。过去选举都是怎么能反中乱港，就能选上，那是不正常的。哪个国家选举都是在比怎么爱国，比如在美国的选举，谁敢有一丁点表示自己不爱国，就立即出局。但是在过去的香港，比的就是谁更不爱国。所以现在香港的选举更像一场正常的选举，更多聚焦于经济民生，这才是港人真正关心的事儿。关心政治的是那些政客，不是每天辛辛苦苦工作的港人，他们关心的是柴米油盐，这些问题不解决，解决不了，光解决政客们的问题，而不去解决港人的问题，那行吗？所以，在新选制下才是真正的竞争、正常的竞争，而不是政治表演和操弄。

Second, it guarantees democracy and competition. Some misunderstandings hint that the principle of "patriots administering Hong Kong" would stop competition, and candidates could win an easy victory. However, it turned out to be the first time in Hong Kong that an "easy victory" situation was eliminated. Everyone must compete fairly, and there is also full competition among patriots who love Hong Kong, so that Hong Kong people can vote under normal circumstances. The elections in the past were abnormal. Now democratic rights have been taken back from the anti-China politicians seeking to disrupt Hong Kong and returned to Hong Kong people to ensure they have the freedom to choose, truly become the masters, and live a democratic life of their own. Therefore, the competition is no less intense than in the past. All candidates competed on the same platform in the election, campaigning on their policies, experience, capability, patriotism, and love for Hong Kong. In the past elections, those who showed intention to disrupt Hong Kong and China at large would have a larger chance to win. That was abnormal. Patriotism is the prerequisite for elections in any country in the world. For example, in the elections in the United States, candidates who dare to say that they are not patriotic will be out of the race immediately. However, in the past elections in Hong Kong, candidates campaigned on who was more unpatriotic. In comparison, this year's elections are indeed normal elections, focusing on the economy and people's livelihood. This is what Hong Kong people care about. It is the politicians who care about politics. Hong Kong people are busy working every day and what they care about are the daily necessities of life. So, is it rational if the focus is only on solving the politicians' problems rather than on Hong Kong people? Therefore, the competition under the new electoral system is real and a regular competition instead of being political performance and manipulation.

第三方面的优越性是广泛性、均衡性。刚才韩教授也讲了，我就不展开讲了。它的广泛性恰恰是过去选举制度忽略的，比如基层、弱势群体，因为香港是一个资本主义社会，工商界的利益要照顾，要维护香港资本主义的健康发展，这是没有问题的。但是你还得照顾那些长期被忽视的群体，这次都照顾到了。在过去的选举制度里，这是一个缺陷。我们可以看到，新选制更加注重香港的整体利益和根本利益。过去港岛的议员就不代表九龙，法律界的议员不会代表医学界，大家都是在自己的一亩三分地上代表自己的小利益，没有代表香港的整体利益。这次我们看到，40名选举委员会选举产生的议员代表的就是香港的整体利益。

Its third strength lies in its broad representation and balanced participation. Professor Han also talked about this point just now, so I will not elaborate on it anymore. The broad representation is exactly what the former electoral system ignored, such as representatives from grassroots and vulnerable communities. As Hong Kong is a capitalist society, there is no question about giving due regard to the interests of the business community and maintaining the sound development of capitalism in Hong Kong. However, you also have to give due regard and consideration to the groups that have been ignored for too long. This is a shortcoming of the previous electoral system, and we tackled it this time. It is noticeable that the new electoral system pays more attention to the overall and fundamental interests of Hong Kong. In the past, members from Hong Kong Island district councils could not represent Kowloon, nor could members from the legal sector represent the medical sector. They only represented the interests of their specific sectors, instead of the overall interests of Hong Kong. Now, however, we see that the 40 LegCo members returned by the Election Committee represent the overall interests of Hong Kong.

还应该提到，新选制改变了过去西方式民主对抗对立的政治文化：行政立法对立，立法会内部对立，整个香港就是对立、撕裂，这正常吗？西方民主这条路已经走到尽头了，没法再走下去了。香港过去学的就是这些东西。这次选举彻底扭转了这种态势，行政和立法之间既要制衡又要配合。我们可以预期，新的选举制度会带来香港的良政善治、更加有效的行政主导，治理效能将会大大提高。

我就谈这些看法。

Moreover, the new electoral system has changed the conflicting political culture in the past Western-style democracy. The conflicts between the executive and legislative branches and the internal strife within the LegCo tore the whole of Hong Kong apart. Is that normal? Western-style democracy has come to an end in Hong Kong. It can't go any further. It is what Hong Kong imitated in the past. The elections this time have transformed the situation. There must be checks and balances and coordination between the executive and legislative branches. It can be expected that the new electoral system will bring good governance to Hong Kong with a more effective executive-led system, and significantly improve its governing capabilities. That's all.

环球时报记者:

Global Times:

香港立法会选举之后，我们看到G7、欧盟还有五眼联盟，都对香港民主发展和选举制度表示了关切和担忧，并称新的选举制度削弱了香港在“一国两制”下的高度自治，中央政府不尊重港人的权利和自由，请问各位专家如何看待这种说法？谢谢。

Following the LegCo election in Hong Kong, we noticed that the G7, the EU and the Five Eyes have all expressed their concerns and worries over the democratic development and electoral system in Hong Kong. They alleged that the new electoral system has undermined Hong Kong's high degree of autonomy under the policy of One Country, Two Systems, and that the central government shows no respect to the rights and freedoms of the people of Hong Kong. What's your opinion on this? Thank you.

王振民:

Wang Zhenmin:

我实在不明白他们在担忧什么，我们让香港变得更好，难道担忧的是这个事情吗？让香港变得更好难道不是我们全体港人、全体国人所期待的吗？这甚至是世人的期待，港人、国人、世人大家都期待香港变得更好，如果担忧这件事情，我觉得这个担忧不仅是多余的，而是别有用心的。

I really have no idea what they are worried about. We make Hong Kong better. Is this what they are worried about? Doesn't everyone in Hong Kong and the mainland expect to make Hong Kong better? This is even what the world expects. People in Hong Kong, the mainland and the world at large all expect Hong Kong to get better. If there are worries over this, I think such worries are unnecessary and driven by ulterior motives.

长期以来，在西方一些政客看来，全世界的民主只有他们那一种模式，眼中容不得其他的民主形式。其实在西方民主当中，他们自己的模式也不一样，英国的民主和美国的民主一样吗？和法国的民主一样吗？都不一样，各国都有自己的民主制度和选举制度。所以，他为什么容不得香港有自己的民主制度？这还是过去邓小平讲的老殖民主义心态在作祟，西方中心主义在作祟，体现了他们的傲慢与偏见。

For a long time, some politicians in the West have believed that there is only one model of democracy in the world, namely, the democracy they are practicing. They cannot allow any other models of democracy. However, as a matter of fact, they practice different models of democracy in the West. Is the democracy in Britain the same as that in the U.S. or in France? They are different. They have their own democratic and electoral systems. Why can't they allow Hong Kong to have its own democratic system? This resonates with what Mr. Deng Xiaoping said in the past, that the old colonial mentality and Western-centric theories are haunting them, reflecting their pride and prejudice.

香港民主发展有它自身的现实情况和条件，它要能解决香港的问题，判断它的民主好不好，不是说它和某一个国家的民主很相似，或者一样就是好、不一样就是不好。我们要看香港的民主制度能不能解决港人的问题，这个制度有自己的逻辑和理据。那些政客要把西方的民主强加于人，强行推销，这本身就是违反民主原则的。为什么我不能当我自己的家、作我自己的主，你要来给我做主，你要给我选择一个选举制度？我们当自己的家、做自己的主，用不着别人说三道四、指指点点，再说我们也不是去当你的家、做你的主，我们从来不去干涉他国选择什么制度、选择什么样的民主。

The democratic development in Hong Kong has its own reality and conditions, and it needs to solve Hong Kong's problems. In judging Hong Kong's democracy, we cannot say it is good when it is similar to or the same as the democracy of some country, or bad when it is different. We should take into account whether Hong Kong's democratic system can solve the problems of the people of Hong Kong and if the system has its own logic and ground. It is itself violating democratic principles for those politicians to promote and impose Western-style democracy against the will of others. Why can't we run our own affairs and make our own decisions? Why do you want to choose a system of democracy for us? We are running our own affairs and do not need carping and irresponsible remarks from others. We are not making decisions for you, and we never interfere with what systems and models of democracy other countries choose.

韩教授和我都研究宪法问题，过去在学界，对西方的民主有很多很好的描绘，但是经过这些年的实践，越来越多的人不再去羡慕崇拜西方式的民主。西方自己还以为站在世界民主的高地上，可以傲视全球，对其他国家、地方的民主指指点点，其实在世人的心目中早就不是这样了。他们的民主实践已经充分暴露出严重的问题，他们制度的虚伪性、劣根性、危险性，早已经展示在世人的面前，可以说一点都不完美。近些年来，他们自己国内严重的治理衰败，成为失败民主的范例，不是什么民主的榜样。特别是去年，大家看到美国总统选举后，美国民众攻占美国国会山，那是一道亮丽的风景线。同样的事情如果发生在其他地方，美国就会批判你这个地方有问题，但发生在美国，却辩称自己的民主是完美的，这是典型的“双标”。这样的民主、这样的乱象，可以说是历历在目，为世人所不齿，就这样的民主还要向其他国家、其他地方去推销。这些年，我们看到他们那么不遗余力地向其他地方推销他们的民主，结果如何呢？我们看到那些被迫接受他们的民主制度的地方，都是人间的灾难，是一出出的悲剧、无休无止的战乱和一个一个破碎的家庭。这样的民主，他们自己也在反思、在改革，为什么还要把这样的民主推销到香港、推销到其他地方去呢？所以我们越来越清楚地看到，他们的民主并不是真正的人民当家作主。认真思考这个问题，我觉得他们也不会让人民当家作主，真正像美国宪法所讲的，“We the people…”“我们美国人民当家作主”，那资本家放哪儿去了？能让一人一票决定吗？不可能的。是什么作主呢？是政客作主、资本作主、金钱作主，人民被掩盖在、蒙蔽在民主的喧闹当中。所以我们在想，美国换多少届政府才能解决美国的贫困问题、贫富悬殊问题以及根深蒂固的种族歧视问题？在200多年里，这个问题解决了吗？是变好了还是变坏了呢？应该讲，民主越深入，这些问题应该更好地得到解决，但是这些问题不仅没有解决，还在恶化，说明你的制度是有问题的。在这些国家的民主制度中，实际上是政客一手拿着钞票，一手拿着选票，人民在哪里？大家看到人民了吗？选举的时候，人民是上帝，政客求你这一票，选后人民在哪里？不知道。有人为人民服务吗？有一句话“闭眼难看三春景，出水才见两腿泥”，香港新的民主选举制度究竟怎么样，好不好，效果如何，两次选举实践已经证明。而且我相信，实践将继续证明这是一套成功的选举制度，这是民主成功的故事，让港人得实惠，给港人带来福祉的故事，而不再是乱象丛生，黑暴猖獗，“揽炒”横行、拉布泛滥，卖国求荣，反中乱港的故事。在香港民主发展这样一个重大问题上，中央和港人最有发言权，岂容外国政客置喙，我们要坚定地走自己的政制道路。谢谢。

Professor Han and I both study constitution-related issues. In the past, academia often portrayed Western democracy nicely. But over these years, seeing the reality, more and more people no longer admire or worship it. The West still thinks that they occupy the highland of global democracy, superior to all others, and they can point fingers at the democracy of other countries and regions. But things changed a long time ago. Serious problems have been adequately exposed in their democratic practices. Their system is hypocritical and dangerous, with deep-rooted downside, not perfect at all, which has been exposed in front of the world for a long time. These years, they have been facing severe failure in internal governance, becoming examples of failed democracy rather than examples of thriving democracy. In particular, after the presidential election in the United States last year, we saw the American public occupy Capitol Hill. That was a "Beautiful Sight to Behold." Of course, if similar incidents happen in other places, the United States will offer criticism, saying things are out of order in those places. But when it happened in the United States, they argued that their democracy was perfect. This showed typical "double standards." Such democracy and chaos are witnessed and disdained by people worldwide. But they still peddle it to other countries and regions. These years, we have seen them make all efforts to tout their democracy, and how is the result? We have seen disasters threaten places where their democratic system has been forced. We have seen tragedies, relentless wars, and broken families in those places. They are reflecting on and reforming such democracy themselves, then why do they want to sell it in Hong Kong and other places? It is increasingly clear that their democracy doesn't mean people being the masters of the country. Taking a serious look into it, I don't think they will let the people be the masters of the country, like what the U.S. Constitution says - "We the people…" Because in that way, capitalists will have nowhere to be. Can they let the "one person, one vote" system make the decisions? Not possible. Then who are the masters? The politicians, the capital, and the money. The people, though, are shrouded and beguiled by the noise of democracy. So, we wonder that, after how many U.S. governments will the issues of poverty, wealth gap, and deep-rooted racial discrimination be tackled in the country? In more than 200 years, have these issues been solved? Are things improving or getting worse? Of course, as democracy deepens, these problems should have been better tackled. But they are not solved but worsened, which means something is going wrong with the system. In the democratic systems of such countries, the reality is that politicians hold money in one hand and ballots in the other. Where are the people? Can you see the people? When elections take place, people are God. Politicians beg voters for their ballots. But where are the people when elections finish? No one knows. Is there anyone serving the people? There is a saying that, you cannot see beautiful spring days when your eyes are closed, and people won't be able to see the mud on your legs if you keep standing in the water. Two elections have shown how the new democratic electoral system works in Hong Kong, and I believe future practices will continue to testify to its effectiveness. This is a success of democracy, benefiting local people and improving their wellbeing. There is no more chaos, "black terror," attempts for "mutual destruction," and filibusters. There is no more betraying one's own country for personal gains. And there is no more acting against China and creating disturbances in Hong Kong. The central government and local people have the most significant say in such important issue as the democratic development in Hong Kong. It is not something for foreign politicians to make comments on. We shall firmly follow our political system. Thank you.

香港大公文汇传媒记者:

Hong Kong Ta Kung Wen Wei Media Group:

请问各位专家，此次发布的白皮书对于香港青年的教育将发挥哪些作用？香港青年又从中获得哪些新的认知？谢谢。

What roles will the white paper play in the education of Hong Kong's young people? What new insights can they obtain from the white paper? Thank you.

支振锋:

Zhi Zhenfeng:

这个问题很棒。少年强则国强，青少年是香港和国家的未来，是民族的希望。我们讲，实事求是才能辨明是非，香港民主发展史是香港回归祖国史的重要组成部分，通过阅读白皮书，了解香港民主和“一国两制”的来龙去脉，并且还原历史真相，才能让香港青少年真正了解中央才是香港民主制度的设计者、创立者、维护者和推进者，反中乱港分子才是香港民主的搅局者、破坏者。白皮书将帮助香港青少年认清“一国”和“两制”之间的正确关系，树立他们正确的历史观，从而增进爱国主义和国情教育。

Those are really good questions. If the young people are strong, the country will be strong. Young people are the future of Hong Kong and the country, and the hope of the nation. Only by focusing on facts can we discern right from wrong. The history of Hong Kong's democratic progress is an important part of the history of Hong Kong's return to China. By reading the white paper, the origin and development of Hong Kong's democracy and the One Country, Two Systems policy can be understood, and the truth of history can be restored. This will teach Hong Kong's young people that the CPC and the Chinese government designed, created, safeguarded, and advanced Hong Kong's system of democracy and anti-China, destabilizing elements in Hong Kong are spoilers and saboteurs of Hong Kong democracy. The white paper will help Hong Kong youth gain a full understanding of the relationship between One Country and Two Systems and develop their accurate understanding of history so as to strengthen the education work concerning patriotism and national conditions.

白皮书要做打破歪理邪说的“解药”。设想一下，假如你有一位13岁的女儿，你会不会让她走上街头和一群纵火、打砸、抢劫、伤人的暴徒一起游行？你认同这样的所谓游行吗？你放心孩子跟这些人为伍吗？但是回归以来，从非法“占中”到“修例风波”，反中乱港势力连孩子都不放过，我们很难想象，连孩子都不放过的人，他会爱香港、会真民主吗？这是不可能的。但是反中乱港势力连孩子都不放过，他们不断打着民主的旗号，宣传暴力恐怖思想，扭曲民主自由真意，毒害了青少年的价值观，使得一些香港青年成为“港独”“黑暴”“揽炒”等思想的受害者，所以有必要通过白皮书来做“解药”，正本清源。

The white paper should be the antidote to fallacies. If you have a 13-year-old daughter, will you allow her to take to the streets to join demonstrations with those rioters who set fire, rampantly smash facilities, and commit robbery and physical assault? Do you agree with those so-called demonstrations? Will you feel relieved if your child is associated with those people? Meanwhile, since Hong Kong's return to China, anti-China, destabilizing forces in Hong Kong continue to promote the so-called "Umbrella Movement protests" and the 2019 turmoil. We can hardly imagine that those who promoted these ideas will love Hong Kong and uphold true democracy. It is impossible. Anti-China, destabilizing forces propagate terrorism in the guise of democracy, distort the real meaning of democracy and freedom, and poison young people's values to make them become victims of secessionist sentiment, black violence, and mutual destruction. So we must use the white paper as the antidote to clarify facts.

在这个情况下，白皮书就要做香港青少年的“教科书”。白皮书播下了香港正确历史观和民主观的种子，作为国家和香港的主人，香港青少年就可以通过白皮书来“明理、增信、崇德、力行”。香港社会可以将白皮书内容与学校的国安教育、国民教育相结合，依据白皮书内容编写教材，青少年读物以及教师培训大纲；还可以和香港的社会组织合作，开展知识竞赛等，提升青少年学习白皮书的积极性。

In this context, the white paper should be a "textbook" for Hong Kong's young people. The white paper has sowed the seeds of the correct views of history and democracy in Hong Kong. As the masters of the country and Hong Kong, Hong Kong's young people will become more reasonable, increase in confidence, advocate morals, and proceed with determination by studying the white paper. The Hong Kong society can combine the contents of the white paper with national security education and national education in schools, compile textbooks, adolescence literature, and teacher's training programs based on the contents of the white paper. It can also work with local social organizations to carry out knowledge competitions to enhance the enthusiasm of young people to study the white paper.

我想，香港的教育、新闻、文艺，特别是为青少年提供文娱产品的各行各业，都应该行动起来，为包括青少年在内的香港同胞正确认识“一国两制”与香港民主的关系，为实现香港民主的良性发展，创造正向、健康、优质的作品，推动香港民主向前发展的生动实践。谢谢。

I think that Hong Kong's education, journalism, and literature and art sectors, especially those providing culture and entertainment products to young people, should all take action to help Hong Kong people, including the youth, to correctly understand the relationship between the One Country, Two Systems policy and Hong Kong's democracy, and create positive, healthy, quality works to realize the healthy development of democracy in Hong Kong and advance the democracy process in Hong Kong. Thank you.

韩大元:

Han Dayuan:

我补充一下。我作为大学的老师，非常关注香港年轻人对这次选举制度参与和关注的情况。刚才支振锋教授也讲了一下，我觉得香港的未来和香港每一个年轻人都是息息相关的，所以关心国家的发展、关心香港的发展，包括政治的发展，对我们香港年轻人的未来是非常重要的。无论是国家还是特区政府，已经为香港年轻人的发展，包括如何解决年轻人最关心的住房问题、就业问题、发展空间问题，提供了包括大湾区建设在内的很多政策上的广阔空间。作为大学的老师，和年轻人打交道比较多，据我了解，香港的年轻人真正到内地来过的比例不像我过去想象的那么多，所以我希望有关部门也要积极采取有效措施，能够让更多年轻人到内地来看看，我认为看和不看是不一样的。

I want to add something. As a university teacher, I am very concerned about the participation of young people in Hong Kong in this election system. As Professor Zhi said just now, I think the future of Hong Kong is closely related to every young person in Hong Kong. Therefore, it is crucial for the young generation in Hong Kong to care about the development of their country and the development of Hong Kong, including the political development. Young people are most concerned with housing, employment, and career growth opportunities. Therefore, to help them develop and grow, both the central government and the SAR government have provided a lot of policy support, including the Guangdong-Hong Kong-Macao Greater Bay Area development plan. As a university teacher, I maintain frequent contact with young people. As far as I know, the number of young people in Hong Kong who have visited the mainland is much less than I thought. I hope that relevant departments can take adequate measures to encourage more young people to come to the mainland themselves. I believe that coming out in person to see what the mainland is really like will make a difference.

西方国家拿着民主、人权来批评中国，我希望我们香港的年轻人也要自己做一些独立的思考，过去一些香港学者们讲的所谓人权和民主，是不是真正的人权和民主？对于我们熟悉的西方民主的概念，是不是也要进行反思？很多观点也是被扭曲的。特别是这两年疫情以后，全球范围都在反思到底什么是真正的民主。《中国的民主》白皮书记载的中国的民主实践，是中国共产党和中国人民在尊重民主这一全人类共同价值的前提下，结合中国实际创造出来的具有中国特色的民主。民主的精髓和最高理念是人权保障，人权保障当中最高的价值是人的生命、健康与安全。面对同样的疫情，我们要客观地看，哪一个国家、哪一个政党真正把人民的生命、健康、安全作为最高的价值，不惜一切代价挽救每一个生命。同样，召集所谓“民主峰会”的国家，由于疫情死亡的人数已经达到了80多万，超过了二战时期的死亡人数。一个讲民主、讲人权的国家应该有足够的国家能力来保护好自己国民的基本生命健康。所以，由中国共产党领导的，占到世界人口1/5的中国人民的民主实践，包括“一国两制”的具体实践，为世界的民主和人权发展提供了我们的经验。我希望大家特别是香港年轻人也要独立思考民主和人权问题，关心、关注国家民主的发展。国家民主的发展、人权的发展，将为我们的“一国两制”注入新的内涵。对于这一点，我们应该要充满自信和期待。谢谢。

Western countries use democracy and human rights as a pretext for criticizing China. I hope that our young people in Hong Kong can think independently. Is what some Hong Kong scholars call human rights and democracy natural? Do we need to reflect on the concept of democracy defined by Western countries? Many opinions have been distorted. In the past two years since the COVID-19 outbreak, people worldwide have been reflecting on what true democracy is. China's democracy practice recorded in a white paper titled "China: Democracy That Works" exemplifies the respect for democracy, a typical value of humanity, and distinctive Chinese characteristics. Created by the CPC and the Chinese people, China's democracy is in accord with its national conditions and realities. Protecting human rights is the most essential and fundamental principle of democracy, and putting people's lives, health, and safety first is of the highest value when safeguarding human rights. In the face of the pandemic, we must view objectively which country and political party truly regards people's lives, health, and safety as the highest value, and saves every life at all costs. On the contrary, the country that convened the so-called "democracy summit" has already reached over 800,000 coronavirus-related deaths, exceeding its death toll during World War II. A country that talks about democracy and human rights should have the ability to protect the life and health of its citizens. Therefore, the democratic practices, including the One Country, Two Systems policy of China, a country led by the CPC and home to one-fifth of the world's population, can serve as an experience for global democracy and human rights progress. I hope that everyone, especially the young people in Hong Kong, can think about democracy and human rights independently and care about and follow the democratic development of the country. The country's democracy and human rights development will give new connotations to the One Country, Two Systems policy. On that front, we should be full of confidence and expectation. Thank you.

王振民:

Wang Zhenmin:

在2019年香港黑暴期间，我在一个会上讲过，我们都很关心自己的孩子出门不要乱吃东西，但是很少有家长关心孩子在外不要乱学东西。我们看到过去那些年，香港的孩子们学到了什么，学到的都是关于香港民主扭曲的历史，充满着谎言、谣言的历史。白皮书实际上提供了一个正版的香港历史教科书、香港民主教科书，这值得香港青少年认真学习，了解这个地方、自己国家真正的历史是什么，这非常重要。吃坏了肚子吃点药就好了，但是学坏了脑子怎么治？很难的。香港青年的教育问题，这件事情必须要做好。我们对香港的民主、对香港的未来充满信心，我坚信香港的民主发展就像白皮书所讲的，前景光明。谢谢大家。

During the 2019 turmoil in Hong Kong, I once said at a conference that we are all concerned about our children eating unhealthy food, but few parents care about our children learning wrong knowledge. We have seen what Hong Kong children have learned in the past few years. They learned about the distorted history of Hong Kong's democracy, full of lies and rumors. The white paper provides an authentic textbook on Hong Kong's history and democracy, worthy of careful study by Hong Kong young people. It is crucial to understand the true history of one's own country. If there is something wrong with the stomach, taking some medicine will do, but what if the false idea poisons the minds? It would be difficult to find the cure. The education of Hong Kong's youth matters. Nevertheless, we are full of confidence in Hong Kong's democracy and the future of Hong Kong. I firmly believe that the prospects are bright for democracy in Hong Kong, just as the white paper said. Thank you.

寿小丽:

Shou Xiaoli:

谢谢各位专家，谢谢各位记者朋友们。今天的吹风会就到这里，大家再见。

Thank you, experts and friends from the media. Today's briefing is concluded. Goodbye, everyone.

本文来源：国新办

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